Chetnik Implicates JNA & Serbian MUP In Bosnia, Croatia Fighting
Day 196
Chetnik Implicates JNA & Serbian MUP In Bosnia, Croatia Fighting
Day 196
C-47, the Chetnik leader from Subotica, concluded his direct examination by describing his unit's participation in fighting in Eastern Bosnia. They received weapons in Bajina Basta, on the Serb side of the River Drina, then crossed on foot to Skelani in Bosnia. C-47 testified that 4-5 JNA trucks, including the Parachute Unit from Nis, also crossed over from Serbia, as did a contingent of Red Berets. In Bosnia, they were placed under Bosnian Serb Army (VRS) commanders. He was ordered to collect identification cards from the Serbian troops because 'if someone got killed, the Muslims could see this was an army from Serbia.'
C-47 also described VRS use of Muslim prisoners as decoys to draw fire on the frontline. A group of them were ordered to strip, then given JNA uniforms and old rifles that didn't work. The witness did not see what happened to them, nor did he see them again after they were sent to the front.
Serbs who resisted fighting weren't treated much better. When he visited Arkan's camp in Erdut, C-47 shared a tent with Serbian prisoners. They'd either been picked up on the border (fleeing the collapse of Serb forces in Western Slavonia) or on one of Arkan's raids (sometimes helped by Serb police). The witness said they were badly treated, forced to carry heavy loads and run about; they were kicked and beaten with batons.
Arkan's camp contained about 4500 'soldiers.' Those in the unit C-47 was assigned to were 'criminals, killers who were released or escaped from prison.' While he was there, he did not participate in combat operations, but night training included a trip to the town of Osijek where they 'demonstrated their force and might, and engaged in provocations.'
C-47 also identified Chetnik units that participated in the assault on Vukovar in October 1991, as well as a company of JNA volunteers from Novi Sad. After such significant testimony about Serb police, paramilitary and JNA involvement in fighting in Bosnia and Croatia, it was Milosevic's turn -- not to testify as he seems to think he's doing but to cross examine the witness on the witness's testimony.
Milosevic's first question showed there'd be no attempt to woo this Serb. 'You joined the Serbian Chetnik Movement and the SRS because you favored the monarchy, wanted to overthrow communism, wanted to get rid of the communists and Milosevic.' C-47's answer equally clarified his position: 'Correct.' Milosevic followed up, 'You tried to win over the JNA, the police with a view to overthrowing me. And you even said many officers and police joined the Chetniks.' 'Right,' responded the witness, perhaps with some satisfaction. On everything else, Milosevic set out to prove him a liar. Due to the frequent private sessions, it was difficult to tell if he had any success. In public testimony, C-47 stood by his evidence.
Milosevic attempted to show that the witness knew nothing about Seselj and his Serbian Radical Party (SRS), though C-47 was a member. Offering his own version of the facts, Milosevic challenged a number of details about party organization, the timing and content of Seselj's speeches and rallies. The Accused laughed at the witness's contention that Seselj and the SRS supported him (Milosevic) and his policies privately, while publicly opposing them. Then he turned to Serbian propaganda which the witness claimed influenced him to fight in Croatia and Bosnia and he later learned was false.
Milosevic: 'You said you were led to believe lies that Ustasha were killing Serb women and children. Are you claiming these were untruths, that crimes reported against Serbs were not true?' Witness: 'Propaganda over your television did incite people to bloodshed and rebellion.' Milosevic said Croatian television had reported the witness's statement that Serb forces launched aggression against Croatia. 'Do you consider yourself competent to judge?' he demanded. 'I'm saying what I saw,' C-47 replied, adding sarcastically, 'You will know best because you were in Karadjordjevo with Tudjman.' His reference was to the secret meeting between former Croatian President Franjo Tudjman and Milosevic, then President of Serbia, where they allegedly agreed to divide Bosnia between them.
Milosevic was equally unsuccessful with his proposition that the JNA was legitimately on Croatian territory protecting the people, when the Croats blockaded them in barracks. C-47 responded that's what the army was supposed to do, but it had already disintegrated in the 10 day war with Slovenia. It was no longer the Yugoslav People's Army but a Serbian military force.
The Accused then produced his paper trail. There was the order from Army Chief of Staff Veljko Kadijevic subordinating all forces to the JNA, requiring them to remove all non-JNA insignia and requiring the disarmament and removal of all non-complying paramilitary forces. The witness pointed out the difference between what was written on paper and what in fact happened. 'It is not true that they were disarmed and returned to Serbia. The paramilitaries reported to the JNA and we wore our insignias and you (the JNA) armed us. . . .' As Milosevic pressed his point, C-47 firmly responded, 'Not a single volunteer unit was turned back.'
Before ending in private session, the witness verified the accuracy of a chart he'd drawn of Serbian MUP (Ministry of the Interior) personnel who belonged to or were sympathetic to the SRS. From its description in court, the chart appeared to show overlap at all levels, leading to the Serbian State Security Service (DB) in Belgrade at the top. 'Are you linking the MUP?' Milosevic demanded. 'Are you saying there was a command structure of the Serbian Chetnik Movement? . . . That the DB in Belgrade commanded the SRS?' 'There was cooperation,' C-47 replied simply.
C-47 also testified briefly about Kosovo, where he'd served as a police officer. He described the Kosovar Albanians as oppressed by Serb authorities and said special units of KOS (Serbian military intelligence) were sent to the province in 1981 following demonstrations. On cross examination, Milosevic asked the witness what happened in 1981. 'The Albanians were seeking their rights. They wanted their own republic, government, authorities, police, and it was not permitted.' Milosevic responded, 'They had all that in the province.' 'Hardly,' C-47 shot back. The Court then called a private session to discuss KOS activities.
Despite his best efforts and his laughing bravura, Milosevic was unable to shake C-47's most damaging testimony. C-47 was a Serb Chetnik, an organizer and leader of paramilitaries who fought in Bosnia and Croatia with JNA and Serbian MUP, at times alongside or under their command. His paramilitaries also received support from the Serbian Ministry of Defense. They were not fighting to defend and protect the Serb population from either Bosniaks or Croats, in fact, Serbs themselves were grossly mistreated and press-ganged into fighting. Serb forces committed atrocities, which had to be known by superiors, and were never punished. The JNA, Serbian MUP, Serbian Ministry of Defense, paramilitaries, the Serbian Radical Party, Milosevic's Socialist Party, the Serbian Democratic Party in Bosnia, the Serb authorities in Bosnia and Croatia and the Army of the Republika Srpska all collaborated to take control of parts of Bosnia and Croatia by 'cleansing' them of non-Serbs and annexing them to the Serb 'fatherland.' In light of his testimony, Milosevic's laughter rings hollow.
C-47 also described VRS use of Muslim prisoners as decoys to draw fire on the frontline. A group of them were ordered to strip, then given JNA uniforms and old rifles that didn't work. The witness did not see what happened to them, nor did he see them again after they were sent to the front.
Serbs who resisted fighting weren't treated much better. When he visited Arkan's camp in Erdut, C-47 shared a tent with Serbian prisoners. They'd either been picked up on the border (fleeing the collapse of Serb forces in Western Slavonia) or on one of Arkan's raids (sometimes helped by Serb police). The witness said they were badly treated, forced to carry heavy loads and run about; they were kicked and beaten with batons.
Arkan's camp contained about 4500 'soldiers.' Those in the unit C-47 was assigned to were 'criminals, killers who were released or escaped from prison.' While he was there, he did not participate in combat operations, but night training included a trip to the town of Osijek where they 'demonstrated their force and might, and engaged in provocations.'
C-47 also identified Chetnik units that participated in the assault on Vukovar in October 1991, as well as a company of JNA volunteers from Novi Sad. After such significant testimony about Serb police, paramilitary and JNA involvement in fighting in Bosnia and Croatia, it was Milosevic's turn -- not to testify as he seems to think he's doing but to cross examine the witness on the witness's testimony.
Milosevic's first question showed there'd be no attempt to woo this Serb. 'You joined the Serbian Chetnik Movement and the SRS because you favored the monarchy, wanted to overthrow communism, wanted to get rid of the communists and Milosevic.' C-47's answer equally clarified his position: 'Correct.' Milosevic followed up, 'You tried to win over the JNA, the police with a view to overthrowing me. And you even said many officers and police joined the Chetniks.' 'Right,' responded the witness, perhaps with some satisfaction. On everything else, Milosevic set out to prove him a liar. Due to the frequent private sessions, it was difficult to tell if he had any success. In public testimony, C-47 stood by his evidence.
Milosevic attempted to show that the witness knew nothing about Seselj and his Serbian Radical Party (SRS), though C-47 was a member. Offering his own version of the facts, Milosevic challenged a number of details about party organization, the timing and content of Seselj's speeches and rallies. The Accused laughed at the witness's contention that Seselj and the SRS supported him (Milosevic) and his policies privately, while publicly opposing them. Then he turned to Serbian propaganda which the witness claimed influenced him to fight in Croatia and Bosnia and he later learned was false.
Milosevic: 'You said you were led to believe lies that Ustasha were killing Serb women and children. Are you claiming these were untruths, that crimes reported against Serbs were not true?' Witness: 'Propaganda over your television did incite people to bloodshed and rebellion.' Milosevic said Croatian television had reported the witness's statement that Serb forces launched aggression against Croatia. 'Do you consider yourself competent to judge?' he demanded. 'I'm saying what I saw,' C-47 replied, adding sarcastically, 'You will know best because you were in Karadjordjevo with Tudjman.' His reference was to the secret meeting between former Croatian President Franjo Tudjman and Milosevic, then President of Serbia, where they allegedly agreed to divide Bosnia between them.
Milosevic was equally unsuccessful with his proposition that the JNA was legitimately on Croatian territory protecting the people, when the Croats blockaded them in barracks. C-47 responded that's what the army was supposed to do, but it had already disintegrated in the 10 day war with Slovenia. It was no longer the Yugoslav People's Army but a Serbian military force.
The Accused then produced his paper trail. There was the order from Army Chief of Staff Veljko Kadijevic subordinating all forces to the JNA, requiring them to remove all non-JNA insignia and requiring the disarmament and removal of all non-complying paramilitary forces. The witness pointed out the difference between what was written on paper and what in fact happened. 'It is not true that they were disarmed and returned to Serbia. The paramilitaries reported to the JNA and we wore our insignias and you (the JNA) armed us. . . .' As Milosevic pressed his point, C-47 firmly responded, 'Not a single volunteer unit was turned back.'
Before ending in private session, the witness verified the accuracy of a chart he'd drawn of Serbian MUP (Ministry of the Interior) personnel who belonged to or were sympathetic to the SRS. From its description in court, the chart appeared to show overlap at all levels, leading to the Serbian State Security Service (DB) in Belgrade at the top. 'Are you linking the MUP?' Milosevic demanded. 'Are you saying there was a command structure of the Serbian Chetnik Movement? . . . That the DB in Belgrade commanded the SRS?' 'There was cooperation,' C-47 replied simply.
C-47 also testified briefly about Kosovo, where he'd served as a police officer. He described the Kosovar Albanians as oppressed by Serb authorities and said special units of KOS (Serbian military intelligence) were sent to the province in 1981 following demonstrations. On cross examination, Milosevic asked the witness what happened in 1981. 'The Albanians were seeking their rights. They wanted their own republic, government, authorities, police, and it was not permitted.' Milosevic responded, 'They had all that in the province.' 'Hardly,' C-47 shot back. The Court then called a private session to discuss KOS activities.
Despite his best efforts and his laughing bravura, Milosevic was unable to shake C-47's most damaging testimony. C-47 was a Serb Chetnik, an organizer and leader of paramilitaries who fought in Bosnia and Croatia with JNA and Serbian MUP, at times alongside or under their command. His paramilitaries also received support from the Serbian Ministry of Defense. They were not fighting to defend and protect the Serb population from either Bosniaks or Croats, in fact, Serbs themselves were grossly mistreated and press-ganged into fighting. Serb forces committed atrocities, which had to be known by superiors, and were never punished. The JNA, Serbian MUP, Serbian Ministry of Defense, paramilitaries, the Serbian Radical Party, Milosevic's Socialist Party, the Serbian Democratic Party in Bosnia, the Serb authorities in Bosnia and Croatia and the Army of the Republika Srpska all collaborated to take control of parts of Bosnia and Croatia by 'cleansing' them of non-Serbs and annexing them to the Serb 'fatherland.' In light of his testimony, Milosevic's laughter rings hollow.
