Karachai-Cherkessia: Opposition in Retreat
Removal of top judge hands initiative to local president.
Karachai-Cherkessia: Opposition in Retreat
Removal of top judge hands initiative to local president.
Opponents of the leader of the North Caucasian republic of Karachai-Cherkessia suffered a blow last week when the head of the Supreme Court, their unofficial leader, was told his term in office would not be extended.
On May 22, Russia’s Chamber of Judges refused to grant Islam Burlakov, chairman of the region’s Supreme Court, another six-year term. His tenure expires on September 1. Normally, the post holder would serve more than one term.
In Karachai-Cherkessia, where Burlakov had become the figurehead of opposition to the republic’s president, Mustafa Batdyev, the move was interpreted as showing Moscow’s backing for the beleaguered local leader.
In September 2003, Burlakov was defeated by Batdyev in presidential elections. Since then, Burlakov became a rallying point for those opposed to the new president, especially many from the ethnic Karachai majority in one of Russia’s most ethnically-mixed republics.
Burlakov himself never spoke out in public - and the presidential administration has not commented on the rebuff given the top judge by the Chamber of Judges.
But he is associated with a number of important figures opposed to Batdyev, including members of the local parliament, municipal officials and media editors.
Since Burlakov had headed the Supreme Court, courts in the republic have passed a number of decisions that have undermined the power of the president.
The courts blocked the election of several candidates supported by the governing administration in local elections in the republic’s three most important municipalities - the capital Cherkessk, the town of Karachayevsk and Karachayevsk district.
Almost half of Karacha-Cherkessia’s population and over 80 per cent of its industrial capacity are concentrated in this area, which also includes the famous mountain resorts of Teberda and Dombai.
The government, backed by the police, prosecutor’s office and security services, fought for its protégés, while the courts opposed them, leading to a permanent power struggle.
People associated with the executive branch made frequent complaints to Moscow that judges were exceeding their powers and even staged pickets in front of the Palace of Justice in Cherkessk.
Last spring, a dozen political parties and non-governmental organisations close to the president wrote a letter to the head of the federal Supreme Court, Vyacheslav Lebedev, and the head of the upper house of parliament, Sergei Mironov, in which they accused Burlakov of engaging in politics and compromising his judicial neutrality.
In this light, the decision from Moscow is being regarded as a vote of confidence in Batdyev.
“The president has established full control over all political parties and branches of power in the republic,” opposition member of parliament Kazim Khubiev told IWPR.
“The only thing the discontented had was the chance to assert their rights in a court independent of the executive authorities. Now, if justice is brought under the control of the presidential team, the opposition electorate will be driven out of the legal field as well. The only thing they’ll have left is to go out on the streets.”
“We knew [Moscow] would intervene, but we did not expect the intervention to be one-sided,” opposition deputy Islam Krymshamkhalov told IWPR. “I think Moscow should either have kept both of the rivals in place or got rid of them both. Otherwise, the system of checks and balances gets upset, which could deepen the crisis of power in the republic.”
Krymshamkhalov himself, who was formerly the head of the Karachaevsk district, is now facing renewed criminal charges, which were dropped against him three years ago for lack of evidence.
In contrast to other parts of the North Caucasus, Karachai-Cherkessia has not had a single heavyweight ruler over the past few years. Some observers say this is one reason it avoided the kind of violence that engulfed neighbouring Kabardino-Balkaria in 2005.
Now Batdyev has no serious opponents. His other main rival, the leader of the Cherkess community Stanislav Derev died last year.
“At first, this will give the impression of stability in the republic, however, in the long run, the authoritarian regime will inevitably lead to an economic and social decline and escalation of the crisis,” predicted Murat Khatukayev, former speaker of the local parliament.
However, some observers say that Batdyev himself could still be removed by Russian president Vladimir Putin.
Batdyev was damaged by the long-running scandal that ended last December with a 17-year prison sentence handed down to his former son-in-law Ali Kaitov for the murder of local member of parliament Rasul Bogatyryov and six of his friends in 2004.
During the case, Kaitov’s lawyers said their client was not getting a fair trial as the judge was a former rival of President Batdyev.
President Putin described the situation in the republic as a “crisis of authorities mixed up in criminal developments”.
Putin has not received Batdyev since then and Batdyev has not asked for a public endorsement from the Russian president, as most other leaders of Russian regions have done.
Batdyev’s term of office runs out in September 2008 and his future appears far from assured.
In the mean time, Burlakov has another three months in office to try and influence events in Karachai-Cherkessia. Those who know him say he will almost certainly not keep quiet and that an eventful summer is in store for the republic.
Murat Gukemukhov is a correspondent with the Regnum news agency in Cherkessk.
On May 22, Russia’s Chamber of Judges refused to grant Islam Burlakov, chairman of the region’s Supreme Court, another six-year term. His tenure expires on September 1. Normally, the post holder would serve more than one term.
In Karachai-Cherkessia, where Burlakov had become the figurehead of opposition to the republic’s president, Mustafa Batdyev, the move was interpreted as showing Moscow’s backing for the beleaguered local leader.
In September 2003, Burlakov was defeated by Batdyev in presidential elections. Since then, Burlakov became a rallying point for those opposed to the new president, especially many from the ethnic Karachai majority in one of Russia’s most ethnically-mixed republics.
Burlakov himself never spoke out in public - and the presidential administration has not commented on the rebuff given the top judge by the Chamber of Judges.
But he is associated with a number of important figures opposed to Batdyev, including members of the local parliament, municipal officials and media editors.
Since Burlakov had headed the Supreme Court, courts in the republic have passed a number of decisions that have undermined the power of the president.
The courts blocked the election of several candidates supported by the governing administration in local elections in the republic’s three most important municipalities - the capital Cherkessk, the town of Karachayevsk and Karachayevsk district.
Almost half of Karacha-Cherkessia’s population and over 80 per cent of its industrial capacity are concentrated in this area, which also includes the famous mountain resorts of Teberda and Dombai.
The government, backed by the police, prosecutor’s office and security services, fought for its protégés, while the courts opposed them, leading to a permanent power struggle.
People associated with the executive branch made frequent complaints to Moscow that judges were exceeding their powers and even staged pickets in front of the Palace of Justice in Cherkessk.
Last spring, a dozen political parties and non-governmental organisations close to the president wrote a letter to the head of the federal Supreme Court, Vyacheslav Lebedev, and the head of the upper house of parliament, Sergei Mironov, in which they accused Burlakov of engaging in politics and compromising his judicial neutrality.
In this light, the decision from Moscow is being regarded as a vote of confidence in Batdyev.
“The president has established full control over all political parties and branches of power in the republic,” opposition member of parliament Kazim Khubiev told IWPR.
“The only thing the discontented had was the chance to assert their rights in a court independent of the executive authorities. Now, if justice is brought under the control of the presidential team, the opposition electorate will be driven out of the legal field as well. The only thing they’ll have left is to go out on the streets.”
“We knew [Moscow] would intervene, but we did not expect the intervention to be one-sided,” opposition deputy Islam Krymshamkhalov told IWPR. “I think Moscow should either have kept both of the rivals in place or got rid of them both. Otherwise, the system of checks and balances gets upset, which could deepen the crisis of power in the republic.”
Krymshamkhalov himself, who was formerly the head of the Karachaevsk district, is now facing renewed criminal charges, which were dropped against him three years ago for lack of evidence.
In contrast to other parts of the North Caucasus, Karachai-Cherkessia has not had a single heavyweight ruler over the past few years. Some observers say this is one reason it avoided the kind of violence that engulfed neighbouring Kabardino-Balkaria in 2005.
Now Batdyev has no serious opponents. His other main rival, the leader of the Cherkess community Stanislav Derev died last year.
“At first, this will give the impression of stability in the republic, however, in the long run, the authoritarian regime will inevitably lead to an economic and social decline and escalation of the crisis,” predicted Murat Khatukayev, former speaker of the local parliament.
However, some observers say that Batdyev himself could still be removed by Russian president Vladimir Putin.
Batdyev was damaged by the long-running scandal that ended last December with a 17-year prison sentence handed down to his former son-in-law Ali Kaitov for the murder of local member of parliament Rasul Bogatyryov and six of his friends in 2004.
During the case, Kaitov’s lawyers said their client was not getting a fair trial as the judge was a former rival of President Batdyev.
President Putin described the situation in the republic as a “crisis of authorities mixed up in criminal developments”.
Putin has not received Batdyev since then and Batdyev has not asked for a public endorsement from the Russian president, as most other leaders of Russian regions have done.
Batdyev’s term of office runs out in September 2008 and his future appears far from assured.
In the mean time, Burlakov has another three months in office to try and influence events in Karachai-Cherkessia. Those who know him say he will almost certainly not keep quiet and that an eventful summer is in store for the republic.
Murat Gukemukhov is a correspondent with the Regnum news agency in Cherkessk.
