Uzbeks Tight-Lipped on Kyrgyz Border Closure

Tashkent may try to extract concessions from Kyrgyzstan before allowing trade to resume.

Uzbeks Tight-Lipped on Kyrgyz Border Closure

Tashkent may try to extract concessions from Kyrgyzstan before allowing trade to resume.

For over a month now, border checkpoints between Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan have remained closed. The Uzbek authorities halted all border traffic on April 9 after mass protests which led to a change of regime in Kyrgyzstan.

IWPR asked Abdusalom Ergashev, an expert on border issues, to comment on these developments. Ergashev heads a task force on torture and is based in the Fergana valley, eastern Uzbekistan.

IWPR: Uzbekistan is suffering economically from the border closure. Everybody knows that people and goods are now crossing illegally. That underlines to need for a rapid solution. When do you think Tashkent will be ready to reopen the border?

Abdusalom Ergashev: I have met officials several times, and what they are mainly saying is that the border is closed for reasons of national security; in order to prevent harm coming to the Uzbek people….

During the [April 6-7] unrest in Kyrgyzstan, there were people with weapons in the Kyrgyz cities of Osh and Jalalabad, which border on Uzbekistan. There were attempts to create disturbances in southern Kyrgyzstan…. So our authorities are right to an extent. I don’t think Uzbekistan will reopen its border with Kyrgyzstan until the political situation there improves, the interim government sets itself concrete goals, and elections are held. That’s what [Uzbek] officials are saying. They say the law-enforcement bodies in Kyrgyzstan are not even in full control.

NBCA: How has closure of the border affected trade between the two countries?

Ergashev: It’s hard to answer that, as there are no independent statistics for bilateral trade. Tashkent will never tell the whole story, especially if the closure has had a negative impact on Uzbekistan.

NBCA: Kyrgyzstan has the largest wholesale market in the region [Karasuu bazaar], so how has the closure affected supplies to Uzbek markets?

Ergashev: There isn’t a visible shortage of goods at markets in Fergana [town] and Kokand, which are the largest in the Fergana valley. Of course, the border closure has somewhat affect the trade in consumer items, since there is great demand for Chinese goods in Uzbekistan, and our businessmen buy them at Kyrgyz wholesale markets. They haven’t stopped importing goods; the [illegal] fees on the border have just increased. People who smuggle goods tell us that higher bribes on the border mean they’ve had to increase their retail prices, which has led to a reduction in demand for Chinese goods.

The same has happened with foodstuffs. For example, potatoes are usually brought to Fergana from the Nookat district of Kyrgyzstan, and since the unrest they’ve continued to be available. That means alternative solutions have been found. It seems to come down to enterprising Uzbek businessmen. They will break the law if they have to. But on the other hand, that breeds corruption.

NBCA: Kyrgyzstan finds itself economically isolated because borders are closed with Uzbekistan and Kazakstan, with which it is so closely interconnected. Is it possible these neighbouring states will try to use this as a lever of influence?  

Ergashev: That can’t be ruled out. We’re seeing now that members of the Kyrgyz interim government are prepared to accept any terms and are turning to donor countries in order to somehow mitigate the impact of this economic blockade. Now – before Kyrgyzstan recovers from the unrest – is the time that neighbouring countries can gain some leverage. The economic blockade has been bad for Kyrgyz agriculture, due to the fuel shortage. There are also problems with the supply of natural gas.

Uzbekistan and Kazakstan, the two key players in Central Asia, can now influence Bishkek and set their own terms. For several years, Uzbekistan has had differences with Kyrgyzstan over the water issue. I think Tashkent will now try to capitalise on the situation.

This article was produced as part of IWPR’s News Briefing CentralAsia output, funded by theNational Endowment for Democracy.

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