Constitutional Reform Means Little
Constitutional Reform Means Little
NBCentralAsia commentators have dismissed Uzbek president Islam Karimov’s plan for constitutional change as an empty gesture towards democratic principles which is more likely to strengthen his powers than weaken them.
The apparent democratisation – announced on November 9 - was clearly intended to encourage the European Union to lift sanctions imposed after the Andijan violence of May 2005. Uzbek foreign minister Vladimir Norov was in Brussels last week to persuade EU officials, who were considering whether to extend the sanctions, that his country was mending its ways.
The nature of the changes curiously mimicked the rapid constitutional reform process that went on neighbouring Kyrgyzstan last week, where tumultuous street protests ended with a compromise constitution designed to create a stronger parliament and a somewhat weaker presidency.
What President Karimov offered was a law on political parties and a set of amendments to the country’s constitution. The most remarkable change would allow political factions to be established in parliament – including groups that declare themselves in opposition to his administration. The changes would take effect from January 2008.
Another change to current arrangements is that the president would have to submit his choice of prime minister to parliament for confirmation, rather than seek its stamp of approval after making the appointment. If parliament refused to grant its approval, the president would have the right to submit a candidate for the post on two more occasions.
However, the sting in the tail is that if parliament were to reject the president's candidate a third time, he would be able to dissolve the assembly and appoint an acting prime minister.
A foreign observer who has lived in Uzbekistan for a long time told NBCentralAsia that none of these measures will change anything.
There are five officially recognised political parties in Uzbekistan, all of which support the regime.
In a retrograde step, Karimov wants the constitution to allow him to appoint and sack any regional governor, including the mayor of the capital Tashkent, without having to ask the local assembly for its approval after the fact.
An NBCentralAsia commentator believes Karimov has sought sole control over the appointment of the heads of Tashkent city and its surrounding region, in particular, because he wants to insure himself against the possibility that politicians in these key positions might challenge his own position.
Another Uzbekistan-based political analyst told NBCentralAsia that suggestions by some commentators that constitutional amendments might help Uzbekistan inch towards more of a parliamentary system had proved unfounded.
It may appear that political parties have gained greater freedom, he said, but in reality the president has boosted his own powers.
Adopted in 1992, the Uzbek constitution has not been amended since then.
On November 13, a day before the sanctions were due to expire, EU foreign ministers decided to extend the visa ban for 12 top Uzbek officials and an arms embargo, both imposed last year in the wake of Andijan. But they agreed to review the sanctions every three months, and open a dialogue on human rights with the Uzbek government.
(News Briefing Central Asia draws comment and analysis from a broad range of political observers across the region.)
The apparent democratisation – announced on November 9 - was clearly intended to encourage the European Union to lift sanctions imposed after the Andijan violence of May 2005. Uzbek foreign minister Vladimir Norov was in Brussels last week to persuade EU officials, who were considering whether to extend the sanctions, that his country was mending its ways.
The nature of the changes curiously mimicked the rapid constitutional reform process that went on neighbouring Kyrgyzstan last week, where tumultuous street protests ended with a compromise constitution designed to create a stronger parliament and a somewhat weaker presidency.
What President Karimov offered was a law on political parties and a set of amendments to the country’s constitution. The most remarkable change would allow political factions to be established in parliament – including groups that declare themselves in opposition to his administration. The changes would take effect from January 2008.
Another change to current arrangements is that the president would have to submit his choice of prime minister to parliament for confirmation, rather than seek its stamp of approval after making the appointment. If parliament refused to grant its approval, the president would have the right to submit a candidate for the post on two more occasions.
However, the sting in the tail is that if parliament were to reject the president's candidate a third time, he would be able to dissolve the assembly and appoint an acting prime minister.
A foreign observer who has lived in Uzbekistan for a long time told NBCentralAsia that none of these measures will change anything.
There are five officially recognised political parties in Uzbekistan, all of which support the regime.
In a retrograde step, Karimov wants the constitution to allow him to appoint and sack any regional governor, including the mayor of the capital Tashkent, without having to ask the local assembly for its approval after the fact.
An NBCentralAsia commentator believes Karimov has sought sole control over the appointment of the heads of Tashkent city and its surrounding region, in particular, because he wants to insure himself against the possibility that politicians in these key positions might challenge his own position.
Another Uzbekistan-based political analyst told NBCentralAsia that suggestions by some commentators that constitutional amendments might help Uzbekistan inch towards more of a parliamentary system had proved unfounded.
It may appear that political parties have gained greater freedom, he said, but in reality the president has boosted his own powers.
Adopted in 1992, the Uzbek constitution has not been amended since then.
On November 13, a day before the sanctions were due to expire, EU foreign ministers decided to extend the visa ban for 12 top Uzbek officials and an arms embargo, both imposed last year in the wake of Andijan. But they agreed to review the sanctions every three months, and open a dialogue on human rights with the Uzbek government.
(News Briefing Central Asia draws comment and analysis from a broad range of political observers across the region.)
